If a nation does not know its history, if the country loses its history, then its citizens have nowhere to go.
Mirzhakyp Dulatuly

Kazakh and Kyrgyz intelligentsia against of Bolshevization of the country

Kazakh and Kyrgyz intelligentsia against of Bolshevization of the country  - e-history.kz

Dear friends, colleagues and guests of today’s conference!

First of all, I would like to express my gratitude to the President of Kazakhstan, who shows great interest in the preservation, promotion and dissemination of historical and cultural heritage of the Kazakh people. To do this in your country many things have been implemented like new books and textbooks, magazines, articles have been published, new museums and memorials were opened, numerous documentaries and movies were filmed… All this huge and useful for future work on the history, would also impossible without the selfless work and professionalism of the Kazakh and foreign historians, source studies, economists, etc.
About mass famine in Kazakhstan in 1932–1933, which caused about 1,7–2,2 million people death and run away from the republic of 1.2 million people in the neighboring districts and states such as Kyrgyzstan, Siberia, China, Afghanistan, Mongolia, Iran, etc. In our country before perestroika, almost nothing was known, written or published. Except for some memories of witnesses of those tragic events, one of which was my own grandmother Asel Kurmanova first preached to me about this terrible tragedy. «The city of Frunze, — she said, — the crowd of hungry Kazakhs was swept — men and women, elderly and children.
The streets were full of numerous dead bodies of those who did not survive the difficulties of the road, hunger and disease. «Among this army hungry and doomed by the vicissitudes of life was my maternal grandmother Kapash Biymenova who found refuge in Talas ground and stayed here forever marrying a local boy, who later died in the Great Patriotic War.
During the famine she lost her loved ones and only in the 60s found her younger sister Alpia Dayrabaeva (by marriage), who lived near to Dzhambul.
In 1934, Kapash’s only child — Anipa Shukurbekova was born, my mother, who in 1953 married to my father — a young prosecutor Karpek Kurmanov subsequently prominent Kyrgyz and Kazakh scientist, Doctor of Law, Honored Worker of Science of Kyrgyzstan, which more than 10 years worked as dean, head of the department, assistant professor at Karaganda State University by the personal invitation of Academician E. Buketov [1]. So this is how great famine in Kazakhstan influenced the destiny of the Kyrgyz family Kurmanov. Now there are many like us in Kyrgyzstan. Moreover, in that tragic time a large Kazakh Diaspora of the country which now combines about 70 thousand Kyrgyz Kazakh was formed.
However, let’s back to our story. Residents of the city rushed to the aid of the Kazakhs, gave them everything they had in stock, although their life was in great poverty caused by the mass collectivization accelerated its conduct and large norms of bakery and meat reserves. One such aid is clearly not enough, as evidenced by the high mortality rate among the refugees. In total, for the millionth Kyrgyzstan, who himself barely recovering from the massive loss of human life during the brutal suppression of the national liberation uprising in 1916, came about 125 thousand refugees. To save them required more radical and extensive measures throughout the country. But the Kremlin kept silent and stubbornly refused to notice Hunger in a time when worldwide cynical careerists reported about the new grand successes of socialist formation.
But despite that the aid came. It came from where no one was waiting, but hungry brothers Kazakhs were waiting for. It came from ordinary people and through the sympathetic heart of Kyrgyz politicians who have not lost their conscience and compassion. In this tragic and stressful time of the Council of People’s Commissars (CPC) chairman of the Kyrgyz ASSR, 32-year-old Yusuf Abdrahmanov with his usual firmness and persistence persuaded the party and the Soviet leadership of the republic de-reserve stores of grain, which were awaiting their export shipment. Although, all knew what was coming such arbitrariness of the young Kyrgyz prime minister. Thus, from imminent death were rescued tens of thousands of starving people, among whom were actually themselves Kyrgyz living in agricultural areas where famine has already started [2].
Punishment in response to these actions to save starving followed immediately. Y. Abdrakhmanov on the plenum Kirobkom party in 1933 was passed strict party reprimand «for the failure of the grain procurement» and he was dismissed from all his posts and positions. Lost his post as first secretary of the party Kirobkoma A. Shahray. What happened in Kyrgyzstan suggests that if the country would be ruled by reliable people and true patriots like Y. Abdrakhmanov, the men of honor and conscience and not arrogant and cynical careerists, then the Famine and its disastrous consequences would not be happened. It is just hard to imagine how one can in peacetime for two years to starve from hunger 8 million inhabitants, where 2 million people from Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan [3]. For example, for 5 years of the Great Patriotic War was killed 350 thousand people of Kazakhstan.

Kazakhstan, Zhetysu and Kazakhs were very close to Yusup Abdrakhmanov. He survived the tragedy in 1916, where lost his parents, relatives and many friends. Ran away to China and then returned. Worked as an assistant of a Russian officer. Along with him went to the Verny, where after the October Revolution, began a new phase in his life. In one of his visits to the country of inspection, one of the founding fathers of the Soviet Kyrgyzstan, and at that time the head of the Musbyuro Zhetysu regional executive authority Abdykerim Sydykov together with his friend and colleague, the well-known Kazakh politician Oraz Dzhandosov in the trenches of Dzharkent front, where there were battles with troops of ataman Annenkov they met Yusuf Abdrakhmanov smartest Red Army soldier. They took him with them, so he began to learn. And they were not mistaken in their choice.
In Verny, he quickly rose to leader of the Komsomol youth of Zhetysu. In 1921, he was executive secretary of Turkestan Central Election Committee (TurkCEC), and in 26 years became the chairman of People’s Commissars of the Kirghiz SSR. After his resignation, he went to work in Russia by the invitation of his friend v. Shubrikova [4], where he headed the department of agriculture of the executive committee, first of Orenburg and then Nizhny Novgorod region executive committees. He always passionately and actively opposed Stalin’s excesses and pseudo-andquasi-revolutionary Soviet bureaucrats and careerists as industrialization and collectivization, urged the Bolsheviks to take into account national peculiarities. It suffered the fate of all normal people who do not want to submit to the dictatorship. He was shot in November 5, 1938. His remains were buried in the memorial complex Ata Beiit.

Looking through personal autobiography of many prominent public figures of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan 20–30 years of the twentieth century, you find one thing in common and important similarity — membership and work in the party «Alash». As you know, this first game in Turkestan secular wing was created by representatives of the Kazakh intelligentsia.

Among them were Alikhan Bukeykhanov, Akhmet Baytursunova, Mukhamedzhan Tynyshpayev, Mustafa Chokaev, etc. Party emerged in the first years of the Russian bourgeois revolution of 1905–1907 and reflected the aspirations of the Kazakhs in Russia to resolve national and colonial questions. Members of Alash dreamed of a free, democratic and federal Russian parliamentary form of government. Kazakhs had to get a status of autonomy and be part of the Russian Democratic Federative Republic. In this regard, the leaders «Alash Orda» negotiated with the leadership of the Constitutional Democrats (Cadets), the party became the southern branch of the party.

However, the Russian liberals were in positions one and indivisible Russia, which made negotiations impossible. In search of partners and allies Alash members were forced to drift to the side Russian peasant Socialists (SRs), whose program objectives did not look as radical as it was with the Bolsheviks. Something like a political unit, where each party retain organizational independence began to appear. In addition to the members of Alash in Turkestan in the early twentieth century operated about 34 associations, including, the party «Shuro-Islamiya», «Ittifak» Democratic Union «Bukara» Revolutionaries, the Social Democrats, etc.
It should be noted that the party «Alash» before the February Revolution could not be able to undergo official registration in the judiciary. It became possible only after the release of Tsarism. In 1917–1918, the party holds several of their conventions, which in the literature are often known as «Kyrgyz congresses», where he was elected the party’s leadership, the party program and approved the charter, the editorial board of the party newspaper «Kazakh». The work of these congresses attended by several prominent members of the Kyrgyz intellectuals and tribal aristocracy as Abdykerim Sidikov [5], Ishenaly Arabaev, Tashmukhamed Khudaibergenov [6], Kurman Lepesov, Kasim Abukin, Iskak Kurmanov and others [7]. However, Kurman Lepesov — the supreme tribal chieftain Sayaka is native great-grandfather of the author of the report and Iskak Kurmanov — the eldest son of the tribal leader, ruler of (Bolush) Zagornaya county [8].
The Pishpek branch of the party, headed by A.Sydykov was created. The head of the newspaper «Kazakh» one time was another Kyrgyz politician and educator, author of the first Kyrgyz alphabet «Alippe» and textbooks in Kyrgyz language, «moldoke Kyrgyz intelligentsia," as it was called associates and younger colleagues Ishenaly Arabaev who had close friendships relationship with A. Bukeykhanov and A. Baytursunov.
It is within the party «Alash» the general views of Kazakh and Kyrgyz intellectuals for the future of their people, relationship with Russia, the common folk and the new values started emerge. It is in the ranks of the party «Alash» emerging future opposition that opposed Bolshevism and Bolshevisation of the country, seeing it as a dangerous threat to the fate of the peoples living in the country, against the unbridled and reckless universalization and unification, industrialization and collectivization, kinks in the policy, which destroyed the foundation society, its way of historical, cultural and moral values. Kyrgyz and Kazakh policy created mixed party lists and nominated for election. Mukhamedzhan Tynyshpaev together with A. Sydykov nominated deputies in the Constituent Assembly of Russia Pishpek county [9].

According to the political apparatus Alash members look like legal advocates a secular democratic federal state. Head of state was to become president, elected by the Constituent assembly. The principle of separation of powers to the legislative, executive and judicial was kept.
Within the party the idea of a «Kazakh-Kyrgyz autonomy Alash» wherever anyone, regardless of ethnicity, religion, language, etc., have lived in freedom and dignity was emerged [10]. On the agrarian question Alash members opposed the introduction of private ownership of land. Bolshevik leaders never forgave Alash members right to hold opinions and to pay them violent mass repression, which none of the former Alash members been spared in the tragic 30s. After the repressive actions the party was separated. Some of its members disillusioned with the proletarian revolution and went into exile, the other — joined the ranks of the armed resistance, third — left and started cooperation with the Soviet government. Fortunately, the latter was more than others.
Many of Alash members died even before the start of mass repression. In 1918, the Kyrgyz Alash members headed by A.Sydykovym tried to accuse the organization Belovodsky counterrevolutionary revolt ended military clashes between Russian peasant settlers and army units, which robs them of bread under the order of the surplus policy. The Tribunal then acquitted them, accusing the organization of rebellion Left Socialist-Revolutionary leaders. Together with the prohibition of activities of the Party Socialists Revolutionaries, in the county under threat of punishment «Alash» party was also banned. In 1920, its activities in Kyrgyzstan was artificially terminated. Those who were opposed, were arrested or executed. Thus, in 1921 Bystrovka village three activists of the party «Alash», one of whom was a member of several party congresses, the influential Soltinsky leader, manap Duur Sooronbay known among the public in its broader political, educational and charitable activities were shot.

After the formation in 1920 of the Kirghiz (Kazakh) ASSR with its capital in Orenburg plan to create a unified autonomous state Kazakhs and Kyrgyz was collapsed. The Leninist concept of self-determination of peoples won. Rational idea of separation of the Turkic peoples of Turkestan by many Turkestan politicians appeared to be more persuasive and attractive than the romantic idea of uniting all Turks or all Muslims.
After the massive departure of the Kazakh political elite from Verny to Orenburg, the representatives of the Kyrgyz intellectuals who had dominate place in the apparatus Semirechensk region, were remained in Verny. Chairman of the Zhetysu regional executive committee was elected Abdykerim Sidikov, which began work on a part of the Turkestan ASSR in the Kyrgyz Mountains region.
It was supposed to be formed from the territories 4 areas where predominantly Kyrgyz lived. Ultimately, the goal was achieved in June 1922 in Pishpek constituent congress of Soviets Kyrgyz Mountains region. It brought together over 450 delegates who were going to adopt a declaration on education Kyrgyz region. However, it did not happened.
As a result of the group fight between the Kyrgyz political leadership, the idea of the proclamation was disrupted and delayed until 1924. Complaint of one of the domestic policies of the General Secretary of the Communist Party to Stalin led to the fact that in Pishpek was sent a special commission for the investigation of complaints, and the status founding congress downgraded to organizational. Chairman of the Organizing Committee for Education of the Kyrgyz region A.Sydykov was elected, but he was not destined to work in this position. Decision of the commission he was again reprimanded and he was dismissed from his post of the chairman of Semirechensk executive committee with his return to Tashkent.
A. Sydykov was one of the most respected, intelligent and experienced Kyrgyz politicians of the time. He had broad and strong ties with the Kazakh political elite. He was friends with the writer Dmitry Furmanov, his personal friend was Oraz Jandossov, he was the first teacher of Yusuf Abdrakhmanova. There is one main think that should be emphasized. After formation of Kazakh Soviet statehood the contact between representatives of our intelligentsia significantly decreased. Moreover, more negative appeared between relationship.
Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks and other fraternal nation began to argue among themselves over territory, which should be belong to them after national-state demarcation in 1924. A split within the leadership and the Turkestan ASSR, where the group A.Sydykova outspoken in support of major Kazakh politician Ryskulov, which, in their opinion, the most consistently and courageously defended the ideas of Turkic unity, was happened.
In his early years T.Ryskulov studied at in Pishpek agricultural school, and in the east for politicians it meant a lot. The more attention should be paid to this and other circumstances related to the life of this talented statesman of all-union scale. In our opinion, he has done much to promote the interests of the Kyrgyz Republic on the scale of Turkestan. He could assist and probably personally contributed appointment to the post of disgraced A.Sydykov on the position of Commissar of Internal Affairs of TurkASSR and then to a position of Head of the Department of Agriculture of People’s Commissariat of Agriculture Tatarstan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (TASSR).

In 1924 A.Sydykov again returned to Kyrgyzstan to build their own republic. In 1925, he and I.Arabaev became the main ideological inspirers and organizers of the sensational statement of opposition against the leadership of the party Kirobkoma, received the name «Manifesto of thirty», by the number of people who signed the document.
Opposition criticized the Bolshevik policy in the country in various sectors and areas, personnel policy pitting Kyrgyz workers against each other, due to underestimation and disregard for local and national features. Following from this performance came to the Kremlin and caused great concern in political circles in the USSR. Sydykov and Arabaev for long anti-party activities were again expelled from the party and sent into exile in Tashkent, where then both of them worked in education and research [11]. In 1933 he was excluded from the party of A.Sydykov invited to work in Frunze as deputy chairman of the State Planning Committee of the Kirghiz SSR. The following year, he and his faithful friend I.Arabaev accused of creating a counter-revolutionary «Social Turan party». Arabaev die in prison in the same year under mysterious circumstances. Sydykov same in February 1938 was shot in Frunze [12].
The first time when Y.Abdrahmanov had a serious political disgrace in fighting with uneducated Kremlin governor Mikhail Kamensky in1925, he was moved to Moscow to work in the RCP (b). At this T.Ryskulov time already worked as deputy chairman RSFSR. And in 1926 Y. Abdrahmanov returned to his homeland in the status of the chairman of People’s Commissars of the Kyrghyz SSR. Then, in 1933, followed by his brave and humane act of rescue Kazakh refugees from hunger. Could all of this have happened if between our nations in the early 20th century did not have a special bond of brotherhood and friendship that we have carried with dignity despite all the political storms and tragedy. However, inevitably come to replace the new generation who may not know about it, and unintentionally destroy what worked so hard to acquire and create. It is therefore important to consider the history of cooperation between Kazakh and Kyrgyz intellectuals in the struggle for a common future as a political testament present and the new generation of politicians in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan.

Z. Kurmanov,
Head of Department of the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Internal Affair of Kyrgyz Republic, the Former Speaker of Parliament, Doctor of Historical Sciences and Professor
(Kyrgyz Republic)

Material provided by the Institute of History of State CS MES of RK.